M. Juan Szabo [1] y Luis A. Pacheco [2]
Published Originally in Spanish in LA GRAN ALDEA
That the world is controlled by the decisions and interests of great powers, military or economic, should not surprise anyone. What appears novel today is the volatility that seems to have settled in the corridors of the halls where those decisions are made. President Trump's tariff negotiations and his surprising changes of direction in matters of war diplomacy, sanctions, and oil licenses, and international negotiations in general, are a demonstration, perhaps the most important, of that volatility, and keep the markets—including oil—and world leaders, with few exceptions, in distress.
During the week, oil prices exhibited volatility in reaction to the announcement of a trade agreement between the United States and Japan and the potential impact of the possible return of Venezuelan oil to U.S. markets. Shortly before the market closed on Friday, the 25th, it became known that hopes for a trade agreement between the United States and Europe were fading, and prices fell by more than $1/bbl.
The geopolitical environment remained convulsed, mainly in Ukraine and the Middle East. Efforts to achieve ceasefires on both fronts have been fruitless. Intense pressures on Israel to suspend its campaign in Gaza and on Russia regarding Ukraine have also been ineffective. In general, the week's warlike activities did not have a material impact on risk perception.
On Sunday, at the last hour, it was announced that the United States and the European Union had reached a trade agreement, with tariffs of 15% on European exports to the U.S., and 0% on U.S. exports to the European Union. Both parties declared themselves satisfied with the agreement; we must wait for the oil market's reaction.
FUNDAMENTALS
Last week, global oil fundamentals encouraged the market to move upward, responding to inventory movements and OPEC+'s lag in opening new production capacity, which was caused by limitations in the available potential in some member countries. On the other hand, the incremental production projected for countries outside the OPEC+ sphere also shows delays, as we have warned when analyzing forecasts from the International Energy Agency (IEA) and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
Indeed, the United States is not increasing its production; on the contrary, it is showing a discrete decline. The United States continued with its process of rig deactivation. Baker Hughes reports a net reduction of 2 units, but more detailed analysis indicates that the loss in potential generation capacity is broader since five rigs went out of service in the Permian and Eagle Ford basins.
Regarding Canada and Brazil, the increases achieved to date are lower than projections: they show month-to-month growth of 0.4% and 0.3%, respectively, compared to a projection of 1.2% incremental production for each in June.
In OPEC orbit countries, specifically in some Persian Gulf countries, additional rigs are being added to replace the idle production potential that natural decline erased, which some analysts still account for.
Meanwhile, Ecuador is experiencing one of the worst oil crises in history. The force majeure declaration due to rains, which persists, has reduced production and a lack of exports, is pressuring the State's financial plans, and is affecting the global supply and demand balance.
GEOPOLITICS
Amid the continued conflagration on battlefields, negotiation efforts to achieve ceasefires in Gaza, Syria, and Ukraine are intensifying; meetings in Doha, Washington, and Istanbul have taken place, but none have achieved their objective.
Syria
In Syria, there seems to be an agreement, in principle, between the provisional government presided over by Ahmed al-Charaa, the Sunni Bedouin militias, which seem to be confused with the Syrian army, and the Druze groups. The conflict was initiated by the Bedouin attack against the Druze population, which in turn led Israel to intervene in favor of the Druze. To date, there are more than 1,200 dead, of whom more than 200 correspond to summary executions.
Gaza
The situation in Gaza is what has attracted the most international attention, not because of the exchanges of fire between militant groups and Israel, but because of the communicational battle that has been generated around the humanitarian situation that the population displaced by the conflict is going through. Both sides blame each other for what some humanitarian organizations call famine. While news originating in Gaza says that the Israeli siege does not allow food or humanitarian aid to enter, Israel maintains that food is entering, but that it is either stolen by Hamas or not distributed due to a lack of United Nations (UN) personnel. Another factor that goes unnoticed, and that contributes to the shortage in the region, is Gaza's iron border with Egypt, through which they do not allow the passage of either refugees or aid.
The profound humanitarian crisis, which always results from armed conflicts, but which seems to surprise international agencies, has led Israel to lose part of the support gained after Hamas's bloody attack, and the Netanyahu government is now beginning to be perceived as the aggressor.
French President Emmanuel Macron declared that he will recognize Palestine at the next UN General Assembly, in another symptom of the change in the dynamics of the Gaza conflict. This is an attempt to create momentum for change and break with the passivity of the leading Western powers, in the face of what Macron calls the massive slaughter of Palestinians by Israel in Gaza. Macron's declaration significantly increases pressure on the United Kingdom, Germany, and other G7 powers to recognize the Palestinian state. Germany had already announced that it was not in their plans; their historical memory puts it in the rear guard against any pressure on Israel. In this new dynamic of the conflict, the relevance of the Israeli hostages that Hamas has held since its attack on Israel in 2023 seems to fade, despite their families' efforts.
The United States and Israel decided to step back from the Gaza Strip ceasefire negotiations, which were taking place in Doha, Qatar. Both governments blamed Hamas for the stagnation of the dialogues. Steve Witkoff, the special envoy for the Middle East, announced that he ordered his team's return to the United States: "We have decided to bring our team back from Doha for consultations following Hamas's latest response, which demonstrates their unwillingness to reach a ceasefire in Gaza."
Iran
In this highly convulsed region, Iran, weakened after U.S. and Israeli attacks, also faces domestic problems. There have been strong protests in favor of freedom of expression in several Iranian cities due to the repression of previous demonstrations. Citizens demand political reforms and respect for human rights.
Ukraine
On the Ukrainian-Russian front, amid failed efforts to negotiate a ceasefire, cross attacks between Ukraine and Russia, and intense military confrontations are reported at several hot points of the war front, more than 500 km long, mainly around the cities of Pokrovsk and Kindrativka. On the diplomatic front, Turkish President Erdoğan wants to raise the level of conversations. He said he would speak with Trump and Putin this week to see if an Istanbul leader meeting could discuss a ceasefire in Ukraine.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitri Peskov said that a summit between Putin and Zelensky could only occur as a final step to seal a peace agreement, and added that such a meeting was unlikely to happen by the end of August, as Ukraine has proposed. Washington's threat to impose new sanctions on Moscow is not making much dent in the Kremlin's decisions.
Cambodia-Thailand Conflict
A new border conflict is developing between Cambodia and Thailand in Southeast Asia. At dawn on July 24, tensions accumulated for months and finally exploded: a drone and six Cambodian soldiers were victims of a mine explosion, Cambodian soldiers opened fire against Thai positions, and within hours, the scenario was already one of open armed conflict between Thailand and Cambodia. It is reported that more than one hundred thousand people have already been displaced. President Trump called the leaders of both countries to mediate a cessation of hostilities, which originated from disputes that were already over a century old.
PRICE DYNAMICS
Crude oil prices, as in recent weeks, showed high volatility. In a struggle between events that pushed the market upward and those that, on the contrary, pressured the market downward, the latter ended up convincing the market.
After successfully negotiating a trade agreement between the United States and Japan, there was confidence that negotiations between Americans and the European Union would materialize in a deal based on relatively innocuous tariffs, which no longer seems imminent. August 1st continues to be a sword of Damocles as it is the date announced by Trump to apply high tariffs to countries that have not managed to negotiate other terms.
On Friday, news of an unexpected change in U.S. policy toward Venezuela influenced market perception, providing relief from oil sanctions. Additionally, the market did not prejudge what OPEC+ might announce in its Ministerial Committee meeting on Monday.
Specifically, at market close on Friday, July 25, 2025, Brent and WTI crude prices fell to $68.44 and $65.16/BBL, a discrete reduction of slightly more than 1.2% compared to the previous week's close.
VENEZUELA
Neither One Thing Nor the Other, But Quite the Opposite
The country had not finished digesting the implications of the hostage and prisoner exchange between Venezuela, El Salvador, and the United States, when, on Friday, social media began to insistently report that the Trump administration had granted, or was considering granting, a license in favor of the U.S. oil company, Chevron.
A Wall Street Journal report and reports from Bloomberg and Reuters agencies announced the news. Our sources confirmed the near certainty of the existence of this new license, granted just three and a half months after the cancellation of general license 41, and two months after the cancellation of all oil licenses granted by OFAC about Venezuelan hydrocarbons.
To date, there is no official confirmation from the U.S. government since, apparently, this time, it is a specific or private license that the U.S. government does not publish, and the company may or may not make it public. Hours later, Nicolás Maduro confirmed Chevron's return, and we should assume it will resume as operator and marketer of crude produced in the joint ventures in which it is a minority partner.
The supposed license details are unknown, but all kinds of speculation have appeared on different internet platforms, trying to guess the reasons and details of this apparent 180° turn by the U.S. government. Some commentators reported that, unlike the previous license, this time, royalties would be paid in kind (permitted by the current Hydrocarbons Law), as if to support the notion that funds would not reach Maduro this time. A not very serious argument, since royalty paid by any means is equivalent to its monetary value, and which, in any case, is a legal obligation of the joint venture that produces the crude.
Many commentators who try to explain this apparent change in U.S. policy focus on repeating arguments put forward for months by the oil lobby, Chevron's CEO, and influencer Laura Loomer, among others. They speak of the supposed need for Venezuelan heavy crude for U.S. refineries, the effect on the humanitarian crisis, the reduction or elimination of emigration, and ultimately preventing China and Russia from appropriating the Venezuelan oil market and assets. Some geopolitical arguments are exaggerated, and others are without much foundation. The humanitarian ones are based on the unfounded belief that the Venezuelan regime would use additional oil income for the population's benefit. And although those arguments did not convince the Trump administration in April, something seems to have changed, which we cannot analyze until we have the details of the supposed license.
Contradictions in U.S. Policy
As the Trump administration's capacity to astonish seems infinite, following news of the existence of a new license, that same Friday, OFAC issued a press release announcing that it was sanctioning the so-called "Cartel of the Suns" as a "Specially Designated Global Terrorist." In the same statement, it described the "Cartel of the Suns" as a criminal group based in Venezuela, led by Nicolás Maduro Moros and other high-ranking Venezuelan officials of his regime, which provides material support to foreign terrorist organizations that threaten the peace and security of the United States, particularly Tren de Aragua and the Sinaloa Cartel.
"Today's action further exposes the illegitimate Maduro regime's facilitation of narcoterrorism through terrorist groups like the Cartel of the Suns," declared Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. "The Treasury Department will continue to fulfill President Trump's promise to prioritize the United States, taking strong action against violent organizations like Tren de Aragua, the Sinaloa Cartel, and their facilitators, like the Cartel of the Suns," the statement concluded.
This second administration decision does not appear to be coherent with the alleged granting of the license to Chevron. Granting a sanctions relief license to someone you catalog as a "Specially Designated Global Terrorist" is not the first lack of coherence in negotiations and designations since Trump began his second term, nor is it necessarily a signal of what his final policy will be. Dawn will come, and we shall see.
Political Context
These events coincide with the first anniversary of the Maduro regime's non-recognition of the electoral results of July 28, 2024, which could be a simple coincidence but is infrequent in orthodox diplomacy. In any event, the Venezuelan opposition looks as surprised as the general public. María Corina Machado, even having cordial relations with Secretary of State Marco Rubio and with the ambassador in charge of Venezuelan affairs, John McNamara, seems to have been left out of this play.
Economic Situation
Venezuela's most relevant difficulty continues to be economic. To confront this, the country is deliberately kept in recession with the expectation that limited foreign currency income can finance the economy once it is contracted. This would have dramatic effects on private investment and trade, a sort of neoliberal package.
For now, public spending is restricted. There is no bank credit, and the allocation of official foreign currency is partially carried out with USDT, the cryptocurrency backed by Tether Limited, whose value is approximately $1.0. Maduro and his economic officials hope to be able to change this with the return of license relief.
However, if Chevron, and eventually perhaps other companies as well, manage to operate under a scheme similar to what they maintained before March, official economic policies would take a turn and try to put the country on a growth path similar to the first quarter of this year. The devaluation of the bolívar, which in the official market has already crossed the barrier of 120 Bs./$, could surely be stopped by managing the foreign exchange market, as was done when private oil companies went to money tables. What does seem improbable is that the oil industry will recover any sustainable growth path, given the objective conditions of the sector; ultimately, the new license would favor Chevron and the regime, not necessarily Venezuela.
Social and Internal Political Situation
Despite the hostage and prisoner exchange conducted, repression has intensified. A high number of people have been imprisoned or simply kidnapped, maintaining what human rights NGOs have called a "revolving door": maintaining or increasing the number of political prisoners despite having released some.
The municipal elections of July 27 appear to have little popular participation, and the government party, PSUV, anticipates obtaining 91% of the votes.
Binational Agreement with Colombia
Also newsworthy has been the signing of an agreement by President Gustavo Petro and Nicolás Maduro to create a binational zone on the border of the two countries. The zone would cover the departments of Norte de Santander, César, and La Guajira in Colombia and the states of Táchira and Zulia in Venezuela. In Colombia, this agreement was strongly criticized, alleging that Petro is not constitutionally empowered to sign the agreement and that the zone represents a loss of sovereignty to the armed guerrilla that has been operating on the Venezuelan side.
OIL OPERATIONS
All the informational noise did not affect operational activities except for some interruptions due to electrical supply problems.
Crude Production
Crude production during the last week averaged eight hundred forty-eight thousand barrels per day (848 Mbpd), distributed geographically as follows:
Area | Mbpd |
West | 212 |
East | 120 |
Orinoco Belt | 516 |
TOTAL | 848 |
Refining
National refineries processed 202 Mbpd of crude and intermediate products, with a yield in terms of gasoline of 67 Mbpd and diesel of 71 Mbpd.
Upgraders
The PetroPiar upgrader is operating, and the crude produced, Hamaca Blend, is used partially as diluent for Belt crude, and the rest is sent to refining. The PetroCedeño upgrader continues to obtain intermediate products that are used as feedstock in refining. The PetroRoraima (PetroZuata) and PetroMonagas upgraders are not operable.
Petrochemical Sector
In the petrochemical sector, plant activity at the José complex has remained unchanged, although natural gas volume has been restricted, and Fertinitro's second train awaits natural gas availability.
Maduro announced that Venezuela is "agreeing on terms" to sell the Monómeros company, a subsidiary of Petroquímica de Venezuela S.A. (Pequiven), to the Colombian State. To this end, they have signed an information exchange agreement. Apparently, Petro wants the business to be managed under Ecopetrol's umbrella, provided an OFAC license is received.
Exports
Through Friday, July 25th, exports showed that all shipments were destined for China, generally through Malaysia. The volume dispatched is 14.2 MMbbls, equivalent to about 568 Mbpd, approaching the month's average once the three tankers scheduled through July 31st are dispatched. We estimate that the weighted price of exported crudes is in the order of $34.21/bbl.