Tuesday, June 30, 2026

THE MARKET SEEKS SAFETY IN AN ELUSIVE PEACE

 El Taladro Azul

M. Juan Szabo [1] y Luis A. Pacheco [2]

Published  Originally in Spanish in  LA GRAN ALDEA 

Although not directly related to oil price formation or world geopolitics, we feel it is our duty, as Venezuelans, to preface this week’s report with the human and material devastation that has struck Venezuela, especially the central coast and the capital, Caracas. We write with sorrow for the human suffering and anger at the regime’s neglect and indifference.

On Friday, June 24, two powerful earthquakes struck a country already reeling from two decades of corruption and incompetence, leaving in their wake many dead and injured, families without homes, and a stark demonstration of the absence of functioning institutions. At the time of writing, it is difficult to estimate the full extent of the damage, but it will undoubtedly rank among the worst in recent history.  



THE MARKET SEEKS SAFETY IN AN ELUSIVE PEACE

Over the course of the week, oil prices continued their slide, approaching $70/bbl and erasing nearly all the geopolitical risk premium tied to the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, returning to trading levels last seen before the outbreak of the U.S.-Israel-Iran war. This sharp market decline reflected a dramatic shift in sentiment: markets moved from fearing a supply shortage to anticipating a temporary oversupply. 

The main catalyst for this shift was the implementation of the historic memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the U.S. and Iran, which allowed the Strait of Hormuz to reopen—albeit with ups and downs—and initiated negotiations between the parties to the conflict. For the first time since the armed conflict began on February 28, near-term delivery prices traded below medium-term contract prices (“contango”). This reflects an expectation of a sudden glut of crude ready to be absorbed, as well as temporary demand adjustments put in place because of the supply shortfall, which will take time to unwind. This market perception is also supported by forecasts published by the International Energy Agency (IEA), which has revived its narrative about the approaching oversupply “wolf.” 

The road to a lasting peace, or at least a return to the situation that preceded the conflict, is not without obstacles. During the week, Iran attacked a cargo vessel as it crossed the strait in Omani waters and launched drones toward Bahrain, actions characterized as a breach of the truce. The ongoing hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon have likewise reignited concerns about the durability of the preliminary agreement to end the war with Iran; this is despite the signing of an agreement between Lebanon and Israel, which has not escaped the surrounding fragility. Secretary of State Marco Rubio toured the region to advance the ongoing talks.

Russia and Ukraine

In Europe, repeated Ukrainian drone strikes on Russian refineries have disrupted fuel production and distribution networks, forcing Moscow to prioritize domestic supply, which, combined with the continued decline in Russian oil production, is constraining Russian exports. President Putin has been forced to acknowledge the fuel shortages the country is experiencing. 

In addition, in a dramatic shift in its war strategy, Ukraine is advancing a military siege of the Crimean Peninsula, effectively cutting it off from Russia and depriving it of energy supplies; it is worth recalling that Russia occupied Crimea in 2014, in the first chapter of its strategy to annex all of Ukraine. This new Ukrainian strategy is undoubtedly an additional source of pressure aimed at persuading Putin to sit down and negotiate an end to a war that has now lasted more than four years.

Geopolitical Fundamentals

Following the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, tanker traffic through the strait averaged 31 crossings per day, with ups and downs caused by Iran’s repeated threats to close it again. In a single 24-hour period this week, 18 million barrels left tankers that had been trapped in the Persian Gulf. In response, hedge funds, betting on diplomatic optimism, sold off futures contracts at elevated prices on a massive scale, accelerating the technical collapse in prices. Analysts at international agencies—chiefly the IEA—and at major banks recalibrated their models, and the prevailing view is that, once the supply shock has passed, the global oil sector will move toward a structural supply surplus heading into next year. We believe this will be a temporary situation, as demand regains its momentummuch as it did following COVID-19 in 2020.

The geopolitical path looks clear for now. The agreement signed between the U.S. and Iran is expected to lead, within 60 days, to a stable peace that will keep the Strait of Hormuz open to commercial traffic and return to the market the 8 to 11 million barrels per day of oil that fell victim to geopolitical blackmail, generating a sudden supply surplus. Saudi Aramco has already resumed loading at Ras Tanura, and Qatar has announced the startup of several LNG trains. It is also estimated that 60 days will not be enough to resolve every outstanding issue, and that there will be ups and downs—as seen this week, when Iran continued to threaten a new blockade—but that the agreement will be extended, since reaching a resolution is in both parties’ interest.

This euphoric welcome of freed-up supply translated into a sharp drop in prices, reflecting market relief at the restoration—albeit only partial—of something that had been part of daily routine before the war. 

Impact on Global Inventories

Meanwhile, the market is largely overlooking the cumulative drawdown of more than 1 billion barrels in commercial inventories worldwide, plus an estimated additional 300 million barrels from various countries’ strategic reserves. These inventories will need to be rebuilt and even increased to sustain global activity within the safety margins that have now been reassessed. Even allowing for the IEA’s exaggerated crude surplus forecasts, normalizing inventories will require more than six months, which leads us to estimate that the price per barrel could rise by $5 to $10/bbl, in line with the traditional inventory-to-price relationship—a relationship that will tend to weaken as flows on both sides of the equation stabilize.

The controversy over the terms of the U.S.-Iran agreement regarding unfrozen funds and reconstruction continues to generate political noise. President Trump denied that direct funds had been released to Iran and said the money under U.S. control would be used exclusively to purchase food from American farmers for shipment to Tehran, a claim Iran disputed.

In any case, the continuity of this fragile agreement is not guaranteed, given the clouds gathering over the peace deals—such as the persistent war between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon and Iran’s push to charge a toll for ships passing through the strait, an idea Iran is trying to persuade Oman to adopt jointly.

These risks and sporadic attacks from both sides are difficult to mitigate and will keep resurfacing until the Persian Gulf countries build transport alternatives outside the strait.

China and the U.S.

Meanwhile, Chinese crude imports have remained at extremely low levels, around 6.5 million barrels per day, mainly due to very tight refining margins, which have lowered refinery utilization rates and refined product exports. In recent days, purchases have picked up, coinciding with the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, and reports indicate that state-owned refineries will begin increasing imports from Iran following the suspension of U.S. sanctions.

In the U.S., the Energy Information Administration (EIA) reports a slight increase in domestic production. Meanwhile, Baker Hughes reports an increase in rig activity: 10 units in the U.S. and 11 in Canada. However, the strengthening U.S. dollar and the Federal Reserve's relatively conservative stance amid concerns over residual inflation limited the recovery in energy asset values.

Price Dynamics

During the last week of June 2026, international oil prices fell by close to 10%, wiping out the year’s accumulated gains and returning to levels seen before the outbreak of the Middle East conflict. Brent crude closed the week trading at $71.99/bbl, down 4.34% in its final session and down 10.86% cumulatively for the week, while WTI crude settled at $69.23/bbl, breaking through the psychological $70/bbl floor after a weekly decline of 9.60%.

In summary, as noted by June Goh of Sparta Commodities,  "a broad-based sell-off is underway as the market reacts to the increasing flow of barrels leaving the Strait of Hormuz, while China has yet to see a recovery in crude demand." 

VENEZUELA

NATURE TURNS ON THE VENEZUELAN FAMILY

Late in the afternoon of June 24, as the country was finishing a holiday commemorating the Battle of Carabobo, two earthquakes measuring 7.2 and 7.5 on the Richter scale struck the country just 39 seconds apart, both centered in Yaracuy state in the west-central region. The earthquakes were linked to the movement of the Caribbean plate against the South American plate and were closely tied to the Boconó, San Sebastián, and El Pilar fault system. These faults make up the main system of geological deformation in Venezuelan territory. They account for much of the country’s historical seismic activity and underlie many populated centers. In the June 24 earthquakes, the fault system acted as an “insulator” to the west and as a conductor of energy toward the center of the country.

Amid the grim prospect of thousands of deaths—many due to delays in rescue efforts—along with numerous injured and affected residents and the near-total absence of health services, the country is once again exposing its lack of preparedness to handle emergencies. What little institutional capacity existed before Chavismo took power has since disappeared or become inoperative due to a lack of equipment and training. Today, the population depends on international aid. There are no words to express the grief of a country wounded not only by nature but also by its political leadership, as if suffering from an autoimmune disease.

International assistance began arriving from countries such as El Salvador, Mexico, the United States, Spain, Ecuador, Chile, and Israel; aid has reportedly been received from 24 countries—paradoxically, including some that the Venezuelan regime considers political enemies. The population clings to the hope that these rescue teams, equipped with technology and specialized resources that the Venezuelan state lacks, will manage to save many of those still trapped under the rubble before the critical window for finding survivors closes. With U.S. assistance, the main runway at Maiquetía, the country’s principal airport, was repaired and inspected and can now be used to facilitate the arrival of aid.

Faced with evidence of the state’s weak response, the regime, after an initial paralysis, has begun seizing control of the narrative to reinforce its political grip and reshape reality through propaganda. It remains to be seen whether the influx of U.S. personnel and equipment onto national territory will prompt Washington to reassess its current policy, which had rested on the assumption that the regime is reasonably effective.

Despite the pain the country is going through and the mourning that weighs on all Venezuelans, both within and beyond its borders, we must continue to fulfill our purpose of reporting on the week’s economic and oil developments.

As we noted earlier, June is shaping up to be the month of the heaviest intervention by the Central Bank of Venezuela (BCV) in the foreign exchange market, with total intervention of nearly $2.0 billion. The official and intervention exchange rates converged at Bs 622/$, narrowing the gap with the parallel market to roughly 25%.

Impact on the Oil Industry

Venezuela’s oil production and export infrastructure have not suffered significant damage or major operational disruptions following the destructive twin earthquakes that struck the country. Despite the severe humanitarian crisis and extensive structural damage in civilian areas, the energy sector remains stable. The major foreign multinationals operating in Venezuela alongside PDVSA—including Chevron, Repsol, ENI, Maurel & Prom, and Shell—confirmed that their assets and facilities continue operating safely.

The critical Cardón IV offshore gas project (Perla field), in the west of the country and operated by Repsol and ENI, continues producing normally. This is vital for the country, since it supplies 50% of the gas required by national thermoelectric plants. Tankers continue loading crude and fuel normally at the Jose, Puerto La Cruz, Amuay, Cardón, and Bajo Grande terminals. 

Only minor logistical delays have been reported in paperwork and administrative approvals. The greatest risk to crude production levels at the fields stems not from the direct seismic impact but from the continued, intense power outages affecting the country due to the disaster (in the north-central zone), even though that area is geographically distant from the traditional production zones. 

Economic Outlook

According to estimates from trade associations such as Fedecámaras, projected national GDP growth is unlikely to be dramatically disrupted, as the oil industry remains intact. This view may be somewhat optimistic, however, as reconstruction efforts and the management of displaced populations will put pressure on the state’s cash flow. 

UNDP (the United Nations Development Program) estimated preliminary losses from the earthquakes in Venezuela at $6.7 billion. This has prompted Washington to ease certain sanctions through the Treasury Department to facilitate the rapid entry of humanitarian aid and expedite energy investments. OFAC issued General License 60 (GL60) for this purpose.

 

Oil Operations

Production remained essentially flat, averaging 935 Mbpd, distributed geographically as follows: 

•                      West                258      

•                      East                 110

•                      Orinoco Belt    567      

                        TOTAL             935      

National refineries processed 248 Mbpd of crude and intermediate products, yielding 74 Mbpd of gasoline and 76 Mbpd of diesel. 

In the petrochemical industry, the Moron complex sustained some infrastructure damage, but there were no immediate consequences, since it has been out of service for some time.

Monthly exports, based on the latest available information, are on track to reach 750 Mbpd of crude and 50 Mbpd of residual fuel oil. 

The Venezuelan basket price averaged $79.6/bbl, in line with the decline in international prices.

 

[1] International Analyst

[2] Nonresident Fellow, Baker Institute

Tuesday, June 23, 2026

Iran and the U.S. Sideline Israel and Negotiate

El Taladro Azul

M. Juan Szabo [1] y Luis A. Pacheco [2]

Published  Originally in Spanish in  LA GRAN ALDEA 



In what could be described as “Realpolitik,” Iran and the U.S.—long-standing adversaries—decided to sit down and negotiate a way out of the armed conflict in the Middle East, setting aside principled rhetoric and prioritizing, at least for now, their economic and geopolitical interests.

Following the announcement of an initial peace agreement and ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran—which includes reopening the Strait of Hormuz and lifting the U.S. naval blockade in the Gulf of Oman to restore oil trade—markets declined. Israel’s persistent attacks against Hezbollah in Lebanon continue to challenge the stability of the truce and to influence negotiations to which it has not been invited. 

Meanwhile, in Europe, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine continues to escalate. A massive Ukrainian drone strike against a Moscow oil refinery brought the war directly to the heart of Russia. In Évian (France),Western leaders gathered at the G7 Summit to address global volatility and support for Ukraine. In the U.S., the opening of the 2026 FIFA World Cup in North America—a mega sporting event unfolding under tight security arrangements amid a sensitive international political backdrop—has been marked by strict immigration controls and on-field results used as geopolitical proxies.

Geopolitical Fundamentals

Pressured by the approaching midterm elections, the collapse of the Iranian economy, the threat of inflation, and the risk of a global recession, the U.S. and Iran agreed to a 60-day ceasefire, during which they will negotiate a lasting peace agreement. Their primary short-term goal is to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and halt the downward spiral undermining the global energy system.

The memorandum of understanding between the U.S. and Iran was signed by President Donald Trump at the Palace of Versailles—more specifically, in the celebrated Hall of Mirrors, the same historic hall where the Treaty of Versailles was signed in 1919 to end the First World War. On the other side of the world, the same document was signed by Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and the Prime Minister of Pakistan, who served as mediators between the two countries.

In this new chapter, and judging by the text of the agreement, Iran appears to have emerged in a stronger position: free from oil sanctions, with assets and funds unfrozen, its sovereignty recognized, the U.S. blockade lifted, and the prospect of a $300 billion reconstruction fund. However, none of this is yet set in stone, and there remains a long road ahead, particularly regarding nuclear weapons.

The question remains whether there will also be a fund—albeit a smaller one—to compensate for the damage caused by Iran and its allies in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, and Israel.

The initial reaction of capital markets was broadly positive. Although the opening of negotiations in Switzerland was threatened by President Trump’s verbal volleys, at press time, there was talk of a breakthrough.

Many analysts hold little hope that the negotiations will lead to lasting peace in the region. On the contrary, an Iran emboldened by its demonstrated ability to disrupt transit through the Strait of Hormuz, and now with greater economic resources, represents a latent threat to regional stability.

·       Greater capacity to suppress internal dissent.

·       More resources to fund its international terrorist network.

·       Greater ability to disrupt global energy flows.

Even so, reaching a negotiated agreement—setting aside the details and decisions made during the war—had become an international imperative. The goal is to restore dynamism to the global energy system through the free flow of oil and LNG across the Middle East, without chokepoints or strategic blockades.

Unsurprisingly, Israel appears dissatisfied with the way events have unfolded; despite having borne much of the risk of a war it prosecuted with precision, which it regards as existential. At the decisive moment, it was excluded from the negotiations and received nothing but reproach from President Trump and from Vice President Vance.

One of the most criticized aspects of the initial agreement is its pragmatic stance on human rights. Despite months of intense internal protests, violently suppressed by the Tehran regime—now formally led by the hardline faction under Mojtaba Khamenei—the Versailles text contains no condemnation of, or conditions related to, civil liberties or human rights. Activists warn that economic relief could provide the state apparatus with the resources needed to consolidate internal control and perpetuate repression. It is, in a sense, a repetition of the U.S. strategy in Venezuela, but without Washington’s guardrails.

Energy, Sanctions, and the Strait of Hormuz

The U.S.-Iran ceasefire opens a 60-day window to evacuate oil and LNG trapped in the Persian Gulf, while the thornier issues related to enriched uranium and Iran’s nuclear program are negotiated. However, despitethe initial announcements, the pace of vessel departures has been surprisingly slow. Against this backdrop, OFAC issued General License X on Monday, which authorizes a broad range of operations in Iran’s hydrocarbon industry.

With the situation between Israel and Lebanon hanging by a thread, Iran has attempted to reassert its authority over the Strait in the days following the memorandum. However, markets expect the long-awaited reopening sooner rather than later, judging by the collapse of oil futures.

Although the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz had not yet materialized and transit remained effectively restricted, the International Energy Agency (IEA) released a new report asserting that the global oil sector could return to surplus by the last quarter of 2026. According to the agency, a reduction in hostilities in the Middle East would allow lost supplies to return to the market.

The report projects average global oil demand of 103.3 MMbpd in 2026, representing a 1.1 MMbpd decline from 2025. It also forecasts that the main supply deficit is now behind us and that the world is heading toward a 5 MMbpd surplus by 2027. The IEA further estimates that global oil supply will grow by around 8 MMbpd to reach 110 MMbpd in 2027.

According to the agency, these surpluses could offer “a welcome relief to the market” and create an opportunity to replenish inventories or build new strategic reserves, as countries reassess their energy policies in light of the lessons of the crisis.

As has become customary, these projections differ substantially from those published by OPEC. In its June report, the cartel forecasts annual oil demand growth of 1.0 MMbpd in 2026 and 1.7 MMbpd in 2027. The divergence also extends to supply estimates: according to OPEC, production growth would not be sufficient to outpace demand.

The U.S., the world’s largest hydrocarbon producer, continues to have no material impact on the global balance. In line with the rest of the market, it is experiencing an unusually sharp decline in commercial crude inventories, coinciding with markedly low levels in the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. Changes in drilling activity, hydraulic fracturing crews, and production can best be described as stagnant on a plateau.

Russia, Ukraine, and the G7 Response

In Eastern Europe, the war between Russia and Ukraine retains the character of an intense war of attrition, marked by massive drone and missile strikes. Early in the week, Russia launched an offensive involving 70 missiles and more than 600 drones, killing at least 11 people and causing severe material damage, including a fire at Kyiv’s historic Dormition Cathedral. 

Toward the end of the week, Ukraine reported new waves of attacks and claimed to have neutralized 92 of the 99 drones launched by Russia in a single night. In response, Kyiv deployed fixed-wing drones against the Moscow region on several consecutive days, setting fire to its main refinery and exacerbating fuel supply problems.

Russia claimed to have intercepted up to 157 Ukrainian drones across 14 regions in a single day. On the eastern front, it announced the capture of Yorkovka, further tightening the noose around the Ukrainian strategic strongholds of Sloviansk and Kramatorsk.

The G7 Summit in Évian, attended by Donald Trump, focused on the war in Ukraine and reflected a notable shift in the group’s dynamics, with renewed international resolve against Putin. According to French President Emmanuel Macron, there was significant convergence with the U.S. leader, who stated that “the occupied territories must be returned to the Ukrainians” and declared that Vladimir Putin shows no genuine willingness for peace. Trump also called on Russia to reach a deal to stop the massive loss of life at the front.

Taking advantage of the U.S.-Iran agreement to stabilize the Strait of Hormuz and global oil markets, G7 leaders agreed to sharply tighten sanctions on Russian oil and gas, with particular focus on the so-called “shadow fleet.” They also pledged to accelerate the delivery of air defense systems, such as Patriot interceptors, and long-range capabilities to protect Ukrainian cities. In addition, G7 members expressed willingness to issue licenses enabling Ukraine to scale up its industrial weapons production.

International pressure, sanctions, and strikes against oil infrastructure have taken a toll on Russia’s energy industry. The most significant effects include:

·      Production below 9 million barrels per day (9.0 MMbpd).

·      Limited exports due to terminal disruptions.

·      Product shortages in the domestic market.

·      Difficulties in the supply of fuels and raw materials for the defense industry.

During the same period, the formal opening of the first negotiating cluster—called “Fundamentals”—took place for the accession of Ukraine and Moldova to the European Union. This step consolidates their institutional integration into the West, despite warnings from the Kremlin.

China and the Global South

Meanwhile, China is intensifying its strategy of international coalition-building to counter Western influence. To host the upcoming BRICS+ group summit, advisors and diplomats in Beijing are advancing a reconfiguration of their global trade strategies.

The overriding objective is to reinforce multilateralism, shield itself against potential U.S. sanctions, and consolidate its financial weight in the Global South.

Price Dynamics

During the week of June 13–20, 2026, oil and natural gas markets reacted primarily to the U.S.-Iran ceasefire, which facilitated the partial reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. The de-escalation eased fears of scarcity that had inflated markets in previous months.

Brent crude gradually declined, closing the week at around $80.57/bbl on Friday, June 19, with a cumulative loss of over 8.5%. WTI followed a similar trajectory, contracting by approximately 10.5%, to settle at $77.33/bbl.

Natural gas also traded in a stabilizing pattern with mild corrections at its main trading hubs. In the European market (TTF), the benchmark price hovered around €42.06/MWh as of June 19.

In the North American market (Henry Hub), gas traded in a more stable range at around $3.37/MMBtu, pressured by continued growth in domestic production outpacing seasonal energy demand.

 

Venezuela

A Serialized Drama

In yet another chapter of the tropical drama that is Venezuela, Washington surprised observers by announcing that Dinorah Figuera would return to Venezuela at the “invitation” of the U.S. State Department. Dr. Figuera, the last president of the National Assembly elected in 2015 and, until recently, the head of the parallel interim government, met with the current government's authorities to agree on the institutional rules governingthe third stage of the Trump/Rubio plan: the transition. 

In practice, the U.S. brought the 2015 opposition parliament—which asserts its original legitimacy and continuity—and the current Chavista legislature to the same table, with the goal of accelerating the democratic transition. Figuera and Jorge Rodríguez agreed to establish “a technical and political working group, with concrete milestones and timelines,” aimed at strengthening democracy, consolidating peace, and improving the welfare of Venezuelans, according to a National Assembly statement that offered few additional details. 

A Trump administration spokesperson indicated that the agenda would include priorities such as rebuilding democratic institutions, strengthening the National Electoral Council (CNE), restoring guarantees for political participation, and protecting the civil liberties necessary for open political debate. 

The exclusion of María Corina Machado and the Unitary Platform from the process, despite the Panama Manifesto, generated considerable comment and criticism on social media. Figuera explained that her role was strictly institutional: to agree on the ground rules for a free and broadly participatory political-electoral process. For Machado, the exclusion may prove advantageous, shielding her from potential entanglements. 

The transition has accelerated because the constitutional six-month deadline for the interim government is approaching, with presidential elections not yet formally called.

During the first two stages of the U.S. plan—stabilization and recovery—there were efforts on the part of U.S. oversight in the economic sphere; however, the results remain limited, particularly due to a lack of coordination among the interim government’s agencies, despite a sharp increase in the availability of foreign currency during the stabilization phase.

The Central Bank of Venezuela (BCV) has accelerated the depreciation of the official exchange rate, such that, if the trend continues, the official rate and the so-called intervention rate could converge next month. However, whether that is the bank’s intention remains unclear. The gap with the parallel market remains uncontrolled, partly due to liquidity management, fueling an inflation that keeps prices beyond the reach of most Venezuelans. Any potential macroeconomic improvements have yet to translate into genuine improvements in living standards. At the close of the week, the official rate stood at 612 Bs./$.

During the recovery phase, numerous meetings have been held with key industry players, investors, and funds of various sizes, with whom letters of intent and memoranda of understanding (MOUs) have been signed. To date, these agreements have laid bare the lack of an institutional framework, transparency, and clear rules governing the process.

The deadline set in the new Hydrocarbons Law (LOH) for adapting existing contracts to its requirements falls in early July. To date, no contract has been signed under the new negotiated fiscal terms, delaying any additional investment in the coming months.

Reports also indicate that Delcy Rodríguez held meetings with U.S. oil companies ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips to explore their return to Venezuela, as well as with Indian conglomerate Reliance regarding the placement of Venezuelan crude at its refineries. However, none of these talks has translated into investment decisions, raising doubts about the ability to raise oil production to the levels required for an eventual restructuring of external debt.

In short, the U.S. State Department appears to be firmly setting the terms of its engagement: it is pressing for legal, fiscal, and human rights reforms through control over the flow of funds, energy, and regulatory agreements, the release of political prisoners, and now, the launch of an institutional transition.

In this magical realism that is Venezuela, there exists a government that is little more than a fiction, since the decisions that matter are made from the north. Yet the expected results leave much to be desired, owing to the continued grip of the traditional Chavista wing, internal disorganization, a lack of transparency, and the opacity of processes designed to preserve past privileges throughout the transition.

Petroleum Operations

Production remained essentially flat during the first half of June. Output averaged 931 Mbpd in the last week, distributed geographically as follows:

·                  West                252      

·                  East                 111

·                  Orinoco Belt    568      

                      TOTAL             931      

Production details for the most significant operators and the largest Joint Ventures (JVs) in the Orinoco Belt are as follows:

·      Chevron:           261 Mbpd

·      Repsol:               50 Mbpd

·      M & P:                29 Mbpd

Other joint ventures in the Orinoco Belt closed the month of May with the following average production figures:

·      Sinovensa:                   98 Mbpd

·      PetroRoraima:             32 Mbpd

·      PetroMonagas:            97 Mbpd

·      PetroCedeño:              85 Mbpd


National refineries processed 270 Mbpd of crude and intermediate products, yielding 80 Mbpd of gasoline and 78 Mbpd of diesel. 

No changes were reported in the activity of the three petrochemical complexes.

Monthly exports, based on the first half of the month, are on track to reach 750 Mbpd of crude and 50 Mbpd of residual fuel. 

The Venezuelan crude basket averaged $83.2/bbl, in line with the decline in international prices.

[1] International Analyst

[2] Nonresident Fellow Baker Institute

THE MARKET SEEKS SAFETY IN AN ELUSIVE PEACE

  El Taladro Azul M. Juan Szabo [1] y Luis A. Pacheco [2] Published  Originally in Spanish in    LA GRAN ALDEA   Although not directly relat...